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Our account aims to be neutral across these different positions., 9 (2005), pp. We shortly elaborate on these points in the main text. For discussion see Mathias Risse and Michael Blake, ‘Two Models of Equality and Responsibility’, So, for instance, Pogge argues that Rawls's own (anti-egalitarian) approach to international justice ‘does not protect poor societies against skewed (and deteriorating) terms of cooperation exacted from them through the greater (and increasing) bargaining power of the affluent’. See David Miller, ‘Collective Responsibility and International Inequality in As Leif Wenar has recently pointed out, the egalitarian can say that our goal should be to leave aside the more difficult cases and ‘make individuals equal in ways they clearly and uncontroversially are now not’. We shall discuss the relevance of considerations of (national) responsibility to global equality in section V of this article. the position on domestic justice known as luck-egalitarianism discussed in Elizabeth Anderson, ‘What is the Point of Equality? It is because Rawls treats equality as a morally privileged benchmark that he counts as an egalitarian in our sense. In particular, Abizadeh helpfully distinguishes between three different understandings of what a Rawlsian basic structure is – in terms of social cooperation, pervasive impact and coercion – and argues that, on none of these interpretations, the scope of egalitarian demands can plausibly be restricted to the domestic arena. For further critical discussion of agency-based arguments against global egalitarianism see Laura Valentini, ‘Global Justice: Cosmopolitanism, Social Liberalism, and the Coercion View’ (University College London: Ph. See Leif Wenar, ‘Humanity and Equality in the Work of David Miller’, 23 (1994), pp. Ariel has over 10 years of customer service experience and has studied both cosmetology and aesthetics in school.

We consider seven types of challenges, each pointing to a specific disanalogy between domestic and global arenas which is said to justify the restriction of egalitarian justice to the former, and argue that none of them – both individually and jointly – offers a conclusive refutation of global egalitarianism.

Global egalitarians take different views on the justification of such principles. Notice that Miller's definition of global egalitarianism is narrower than ours. 683–6, Allen Buchanan, ‘Rawls's Law of Peoples: Rules for a Vanished Westphalian World’, We are grateful to Pablo Gilabert, Robert Goodin, Iseult Honohan, Fiona Jenkins, Eszter Kollar, Cécile Laborde, Christian List, Gerhard Øverland, Matt Peterson, Thomas Pogge, Larry Temkin and Lea Ypi for very helpful comments on earlier versions of this article.

Some, for instance, see them as dependent on the existence of certain kinds of social institutions or relations (for example, Thomas Pogge, Charles Beitz – in his early work – and Darrel Moellendorf) while others reject this institutionalist view (for example, Simon Caney and Kok-Chor Tan). In particular, unlike Miller, we do not claim that (i) global egalitarians always condemn global inequalities as wrong – as opposed to wrong because they undermine some other, more foundational, value – and (ii) the only inequalities that matter to them are inequalities between persons – rather than between states or groups. In so saying we are not suggesting that Rawls is a ‘luck-egalitarian’, but simply pointing to the centrality of considerations of responsibility in his theory of domestic justice. David Miller also expresses similar worries (though in the context of a much more sympathetic analysis of Rawls), saying that ‘inequalities between peoples may also constitute inequalities of power, which will have a distorting effect on future terms of international cooperation’. See also Caney, ‘Cosmopolitanism and the Law of Peoples’, pp.

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